Straightening you out on "privilege" in the House
Today, the House is expected to consider a privileged resolution from the Rules Committee with a special order of business, part of which would block the ability of Members to offer privileged legislation to end some of the president's tariff policies. Yesterday, the House used a privileged motion seven times to consider and pass seven pieces of legislation. And in the last few Congresses, Members have been offering privileged resolutions to censure each other as Questions of Privilege at an increased rate.
"Privilege" can be very confusing in the House, because it refers to a bunch of different things. Let's try to briefly straighten this out.
The closest we can get to a unifying definition of privileged in the House is approximately has the ability to interrupt the normal order of business.
The House has a normal order of business, found in Rule XIV of the House. Absent interruption by privileged business or motion, this is how the House will proceed each time it comes into session after an adjournment:
- First, prayer.
- Second, approval of the Journal.
- Third, Pledge of Allegiance.
- Fourth, Correction of reference of public bills.
- Fifth, Disposal of business on the Speaker's Table.
- Sixth, Unfinished business.
- Seventh, Morning Hour for the consideration of business called up by committee.
- Eighth, Motions that the House resolve into the Committee of the Whole.
- Ninth, Orders of the Day.
Except for the first three items, the House almost never follows this order of business. Instead, they continually interrupt it with privileged business. Why? Because the majority in the House wants to do what the majority wants to do, not sit around while various committees take turns calling up bills they like.
Only certain matters can interrupt the normal order of business: General appropriations bills (rule XIII, clause 5); Conference reports, or motions to request or agree to a conference (rule XXII); Special Orders of business reported by the Rules Committee (rule XIII, clause 5); consideration of amendments between the chambers after disagreement (rule XXII), Questions of Privilege (rule IX); and bills returned by the president after veto. Such legislation is called privileged business.
Certain motions are also privileged in the House, most notably the motion to suspend the rules. This, along with passing a special order of business reported by the rules committee (itself privileged business, see above), is one of the two main ways the House goes about considering legislation that is not otherwise privileged. A Member makes a privileged motion to suspend the rules and... which has the effect, if adopted, of allowing anything the Member says after "and" to occur, even if it itself is not privileged.1 This is the most common way for the House to pass legislation, and if you turn on C-SPAN on Monday, Tuesday, or Wednesday, it is often what is happening on the House floor. Another important privileged motion is the motion to discharge when brought in accordance with the discharge rule.
Other motions are also privileged by the nature of their precedence, which I promise is not an effort to further confuse you. Precedence just means precede in this context (it's often confused with precedent, but it's totally unrelated), and just refers to what motion gets considered next. If we are considering a bill and you move to amend it, I move to refer it to committee, and Bob moves to adjourn, the motion to adjourn has precedence over the motion to refer, which has precedence over the motion to amend. And that will be the order we consider the motions. So sometimes we say a motion that has precedence is privileged. We also sometimes say the certain motions as a class are the privileged motions because they aren't subsidiary to the matter you are working on. The motion to adjourn and the motion to recess are the classic examples of this; they aren't related to the particular bill you are working on (unlike, say, the motion to amend or motion to refer). But it would also include things like a motion to administer the oath to a new Member, which has very high precedence, and thus privilege.
Other matters are privileged because of statutory rulemaking, which is the process of Congress writing procedures into actual law. The classic example of this is the War Powers Resolution, which contains expedited procedures for both the consideration of Authorizations for the Use of Military Force and for consideration of legislation directing the removal of U.S. armed forces. When used, such expedited procedures have the effect of making such legislation privileged, according to the terms of the statutory procedures. Statutory rulemaking does not bind the House or Senate, which retain control over their own procedures. Majorities in either chamber can override statutory procedural dictates in individual instances and, if desired, repeal them entirely without the consent of the other chamber or the president. Each Congress, the new House incorporates all of the existing statutory rulemaking into the new House rules; they are at completely liberty to not do so.
Circling back to what is happening in the House today, the House is planning to interrupt the normal order of business by considering the privileged business of a special order of business reported by the Rules Committee. That rule contains provisions that make certain legislation eligible to come to the House floor, but also contains a provisions that, if adopted, would prevent Members from using the expedited procedures contained in the National Emergency Act to bring privileged legislation to end the national emergency with regard to certain tariffs put in place by President Trump on 2/1/25, 4/2/25, 7/30/25, and 8/6/25.
Similar legislation blocking such privilege was considered and adopted by the House last year and then extended once, but the blocking legislation expired on January 31st. That is why no such legislation to end the tariffs has been considered in the House, and also why the House leadership is keen to extend the provisions blocking consideration. However, they are facing political problems as a handful of GOP Members have threatened to vote against the special order of business that contains the blocking provisions, and the razor-thin partisan margin in the House gives those Members the balance of power. Adopting such legislation would not mean Congress could not consider legislation to end the tariffs if it chose to; it simply removes the ability of Members to call up the legislation as privileged business.
This is important because various classes of privileged business can only be accessed by certain Members, or with the consent of certain Members. Motions to suspend the rules, for instance, require the consent of the Speaker, giving him full veto of its use. A special order of business reported by the Rules Committee can only be called up by a member of the committee. Other privileged business, such as a Rule IX Question of Privilege, can be unilaterally called up by any Member (provided they give notice of their intention). The expedited procedures for considering legislation to end the national emergency with regard to the Trump tariffs would allow any Member to bring the legislation to the floor as privileged business. If the rule is adopted today blocking the use of the expedited procedures, the (non-unusual) paths to the floor for such legislation would be a special rule, a motion to suspend the rules, or a discharge petition. The former two of those can be frustrated even in the face of majority support.
If such tariff repeal legislation did come to the House floor, it stands a good chance of passing. Similar legislation has passed in the Senate (under expedited procedures) and consequently President Trump might be forced to veto such legislation to keep the tariffs in place, a potentially politically embarrassing situation, and thus the reason House GOP leaders are scrambling to remove the privilege.
The two rubs being (a) the Speaker has unilateral authority to recognize you (or not) to make a motion to suspend the rules; and (b) a motion to suspend the rules requires a 2/3 vote for adoption.↩